Friday 9 December 2011

Bujagali dam project faces 7-month delay


East African (Kenya), by Barbara Among / Wednesday, 07 February 2007

Uganda’s crippling energy crisis is expected to continue for at least another half-year, following reports that the construction of the new 250-megawatt hydropower dam at Bujagali, will delay by seven months. Sources familiar with the project — which is at the heart of major efforts to end the power shortage — say the delay is due to a failure to complete bidding for the dam. Negotiations with various parties, including financiers is also said to be behind schedule. This means that the construction of the dam, to be built on River Nile and which was expected to join the national grid by January 2010, will start at the end of the year, if there are no further hiccups.
Original plans for meeting the country’s electricity needs specified that bidding for the Dam and the power plan EPC should be concluded in June 2006 to allow the completion of the financial evaluation. Financial closure for the project was supposed to be achieved in October 2006, with construction starting last December. According to information made available to The EastAfrican, a revised project plan will now be sent to the financier — the World Bank — later this year with financial closure expected in July.
Negotiations with various parties including financiers are not concluded,” said James Banaabe, the acting Commissioner for Energy. “The project has to go to the World Bank board first for approval in April 2007 and hopefully have financial closure in July. That is the main reason for not taking off.” Sources within the Industrial Promotion Services Ltd (IPS) — the company that is in charge of developing the project — told The EastAfrican that construction of the dam is expected to start in May.
“We are hoping to come to a financial closure by May, though the original plan is for July,” the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said. “The project EPC evaluation was done and we are in negotiations with the preferred constructor.” The official said that most of the money needed to fund the project, whose total cost is estimated at $400 million-$500 million, is yet to be available. “Response from the lenders has been overwhelming; however the larger part — the 80 per cent debt — is not there and you can only mobilise the contractor when you have the full financing.”
The project lenders include the European Investment Bank (EIB), the African Development Bank (ADB), and the International Finance Corporation (IFC). The IPS Consortium proposed a financing plan with a total budget of $500 million on an 80-20 per cent debt-equity ratio. The lenders have been evaluating the project since September last year and are presently evaluating the environmental impact assessment and the credit worthiness of the sponsor, the Ugandan government. Energy Minister Daudi Migereko was optimistic about the project: “Salini, an Italian company, won the bid as the contractor but we have not signed a contract yet. I would not want to go into details of the project but everything is on course.”
This is the second time that the Ugandan government is attempting to build a dam at Bujagali. The first effort, under which construction was supposed to have started in 2003, was mired in allegations of corruption and protests from environmentalists opposed to the destruction the dam would cause to the Bujagali Falls, a popular tourist destination for white-water rafters. The construction was eventually suspended and the World Bank Group withheld its financing after corruption investigations by the US Justice Department and by the World Bank’s Fraud and Corruption Unit. In 2003, AES Nile power — then the main developer, announced that it was pulling out of the project for economic reasons.
However, following the escalation of the power crisis in Uganda, in which a prolonged drought has cut hydropower production by more than half to about 120MW, against a peak-hour demand of 380MW, the government decided to rescue the Bujagali proposals. In April 2005, the government selected a consortium of investors led by Industrial Promotion Services (Kenya) Ltd as the new sponsor for the Bujagali Hydropower Project. Bujagali is seen as a medium-term effort to stem the power crisis that has knocked at least two percentage points off economic growth.

Tuesday 29 November 2011

Uganda: Govt Unveils National Identity Card

The German firm, M¼hlbauer Technology Group, yesterday unveiled the new national identity card at Hotel Africana in Kampala.
The ID card will be made of polycarbonate (plastic) material. It will have as visible features a picture of the card holder, a signature, date of birth, sex, card number, date of expiry, a thumb print and the national flag with the map of Uganda.
It will have additional invisible features, such as tribe, clan, village, parish, district, details of spouses, with provision of up to four wives, and children.
The sh185b project will first cover the new voters for the 2011 general elections, estimated at 3.5 million people. They are supposed to get their ID cards by October this year.
Under the second phase, Ugandans who are already on the voters' list, a total of 10.5 million, will have their bio-data updated.
They are expected to get their ID cards in the next two years.
The German firm yesterday kick-started the training of 450 trainers who will in turn train 8,000 operators to carry out the voter registration at parish level.
However, M¼hlbauer Technology Group did not respond to media reports which claimed that the price of the project was highly inflated.
The Observer yesterday quoted similar projects in neighbouring Kenya and Tanzania which cost sh53b and sh41b respectively although they have larger populations.
Questions have also been raised about the procurement process. A tender for the ID cards project in 2005 was cancelled by the IGG due to irregularities and corruption.
The three bidders were South African Face Technologies, Indian Contec Global and an Israel company called Supercom. Mühlbauer Technology Group was not one of the bidders.
Instead, the German company bid for the Electoral Commission bio-metric voter registration last year but the process was stopped by the procurement authority, PPDA, in December due to irregularities in the evaluation process. PPDA advised the Electoral Commission to re-evaluate the bids.
However, the commission did not follow this advice and abandoned the tendering process altogether.
Last month, the Ministry of Internal Affairs signed a contract with Mühlbauer for not only the ID cards but also the bio-metric voter registration system.
A third concern raised is about the type of ID card, which uses barcode technology.
The East African Community secretariat as far back as 2008 advised Uganda to abandon that type of technology because it was unsuitable and not compatible with other countries in the region.
"The experts advised Uganda to use the smart card technology which Tanzania has opted for," said Monique Mukaruliza, the chairperson of the EAC council of ministers, during a session of the EAC Parliament in December 2008.
The smartcard technology uses a chip instead of a barcode. A chip can accommodate a lot more information, such as medical records, criminal records, educational data, driving permits and social security data.
It can also authenticate fingerprints and photographs, which are additional safeguards against forgeries.
"A smartcard is critical for e-government," an expert told The New Vision.
"You present your card to a hospital and it shows your blood group, medical history, the treatment you are on or the medicines you are allergic to.
"It can also contain A'level and O'level results or the schools somebody attended."
Asked for a reaction last week, internal affairs minister Kirunda Kivejinja, also the chairman of the security committee handling the project, declined to give details, arguing that the national identification project was a matter of national security.
"This is a national security matter I don't have to discuss with the press," he said.
He added that the deal would not be presented before Parliament as some MPs had demanded.
"There are certain things I do not have to go to the Cabinet and Parliament for."

Who will heal Uganda’s sick health sector?

By Barbara Among
bamong@ug.nationmedia.com

When his teenage wife went into labour, John Emegu wedged her on a bicycle between himself and his grandmother and pedalled furiously for 11 miles. But on reaching the nearest hospital, his relief quickly turned to despair.

Though healthcare is meant to be free in Uganda, nurses told him to buy a Shs20,000 maternity kit including rubber cloves, saline solution, surgical needle and a plastic ‘delivery’ sheet, which were all out of stock in the hospital. By the time he had done so—and paid another Shs10, 000 to convince an intern doctor to attend to his wife—12 hours had passed. “I don’t know what is happening,” said Emegu, 22, as he waited for news at Soroti regional referral hospital. “I am getting desperate.” His wife and newborn baby survived—unlike his first child who died in the same hospital the year before.

The Emegus’ traumatic experience is not unusual in a country, where the healthcare system is in crisis despite the billions of shillings of mostly donor money flowing in every year. Visits to a dozen health centres across the country revealed a chronic shortage of beds, drugs and medical personnel, confirming a recent verdict by the Anti-Corruption Coalition of Uganda that “service delivery and general care is almost not there”.

The government admits that the situation is dire. “Lack of adequate resources is still limiting hospitals to provide the services expected. In many instances, basic emergency infrastructure, supplies and specilised equipment are inadequate,” reads the latest annual health sector performance report. The dire situation has meant that senior government officials and wealthy Ugandans have long used private hospitals or flown outside the country for treatment, as was the case with some of President Museveni’s daughters, who delivered their children in Germany.

Members of Parliament are registered with private health insurance companies of their choice, paid for by taxpayers. But now even ordinary Ugandans, the intended beneficiaries of the free healthcare system, are increasingly seeking private healthcare. “I don’t see any reason of wasting time; you go to the government hospital yet there are no drugs,” said Joseph Kusemerwa, a resident of Kicucu village, Kabarole District in western Uganda.

So why is it dysfuntional?
Such attitudes are stirring public debate on why the free healthcare system is so dysfunctional. While it is expensive to run, money does not seem to be in short supply. Donors gave more money towards health than any sector of government, amounting to Shs321 billion in 2009/2010.

The government added a further Shs465 billion and this year Shs1.3 trillion went to health. In total, health spending accounts for 9.6 per cent of the budget, significantly higher than the sub-Saharan average of 8 per cent. Local healthcare monitoring groups and government officials say Uganda’s heavy reliance on outside funding is one of the main problems, with a lack of overlap between the government’s priorities and those of donors.

The focus of HIV prevention and treatment is one example. While 1 million Ugandans are estimated to be HIV positive—3.3 per cent of the population—some Shs549 billion went to Aids campaigns in the financial 200/2010, more than half of total healthcare budget. Most of the money came from the US’s Pepfar (President’s Emergency Plan for Aids Relief) and USAID.

‘Unreliable donor funding
Local players in the sector say the unpredictability of the donor funding makes it difficult to plan and when it comes, there is lots of overhead expenditure and what is spent on actual projects is actually less. “The money, which is off budget, has had issues of accountability, which has resulted in delayed release of other funds. Some such as Gavi have been withheld. If we had an organised system of receiving even off budget funds, we should not be seeing such problems,” said the Health Ministry Permanent Secretary, Mr Asuman Lukwago.

The effect of the heavy HIV focus is clearly visible; even in rural areas the voluntary counselling and testing centres are usually well-equipped compared to the general health units. In Kabarole District in Western Uganda, Rose Kayesu, 24, was battling malaria at home. The nearest health centre only had one type of malarial drug, and she was allergic to it. Enock Kibite, her husband, said he sometimes spends more than half of his Shs75,000 monthly earning from carpentry on malaria drugs alone.

According to the Director General of Health Services, Dr Ruth Achieng, the bulk of donor support to the health sector (41 per cent) is off budget and a significant proportion (21 per cent) of government expenditure on health mainly goes to emoluments. Sector players also point to poor coordination among health system players and this has led to fragmentation of services. “Actors have immense interest in M & E (data), at the expense of investment in service delivery. Many actors are measuring the same indices,” said Dr Achieng.

District health directors, many of whom did not want to be named for fear of reprisal, said it was “unacceptable” to run out of drugs, but also unavoidable. “There’s no money,” a director said. Government’s 2009/2010 health sector report shows that only 35 per cent of health centres do not run out of essential drugs. As of August, reports on the ministry website indicate that stocks available at both the National Medical Stores and Joint Medical Stores are generally below recommended minimum central stock level and health centres also registered low stock levels of essential drugs.

The corruption drawbacks
But corruption is a major problem hampering healthcare delivery. The Auditor General’s 2009 report shows that Shs310m meant for drugs went missing that year. “The end users did not also have knowledge of these (missing money, deliveries either). The missing drugs included ARVs, coartem, condoms and oral rehydration salts,” the AG report said.

In November 2010, the National Drug Authority said more than 100 ghost health centres created by corrupt officials had been receiving medical supplies and equipment. By contrast, many genuine health centres lack even basic equipment. So in places like Awcha, Gulu District, the theatre serves as a ward. At Kiyombya Health Centre, Southern Uganda, mothers in the maternity section are expected to pay for parafine for lamps.

Large sums of money are simply stolen. In 2005, nearly Shs150b from the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation (Gavi) and the Global Fund to fight Aids, tuberculosis and malaria was unaccounted for. “The healthcare system is very sick but the one who is supposed to heal it is very corrupt,” said the Anti-Corruption Coalition Uganda in its report.

Brain drain effects
There is also a major shortage of medical professionals. Kitgum Hospital in northern Uganda had five doctors in the 1980s. Today, there is one. Arua Hospital needs 38 doctors but has 11; Kabale has five instead of 35.

Data from the Health Ministry indicates the country has only 37,368 health workers. Of these, 8,978 are nurses, 4,535 are midwives, and only 1,118 (3 per cent) are doctors. Data also indicates that nursing assistants still form a big number of the health workers--6,371 (17 per cent). “If we don’t handle this problem now, in the next 10 years, Uganda will have no clinicians or physicians,” former Director General for Health Services, Dr Sam Zaramba, warned at a health conference last year.

The World Health Organisation says Uganda’s doctor-to-patients ratio of 1:25,000 is low even by African standards. Uganda graduates more than 200 doctors every year but most migrate to neighbouring countries such as Rwanda where pay and working conditions are better. However, even the few medical workers employed in Uganda’s health sector often abscond from duty. Government investigation show that 40 per cent of doctors and 50 per cent of nurses receive salary but are absent from duty.

In cases where money has been spent on appropriate inputs such as medical supplies, in many cases the staff to dispense the supplies are absent or not recruited. “You find that the same doctors supposed to be working for the government are also working for donor funded projects yet our numbers are already few. This worker is over stretched and they cannot be efficient any more. And the reasons I have heard cited for leaving government facilities is little pay,” said Dr Lukwago

Dr Achieng puts the problem candidly as, “ethical erosion.” Some Shs2.6 trillion is needed to rehabilitate hospitals across the country, the ministry says. For clinicians like Mr Richard Kyeyune, and the patients who visit the dilapidated health centre he runs in Masaka District, that money can’t come soon enough. “When it rains, we send patients away because we are scared the roof will fall on them,” he said.

When skewed priorities hurt heath care delivery

When the money does get through spending priorities often seem skewed. In 2009, Shs439million meant for medicine was diverted to foreign travel. Parliament last months rejected the Health Ministry’s budget after they discovered that the ministry officials had diverted more than Shs2 billion meant for maternal health to seminars and workshops on HIV/Aids, among others.

A scenario given by Uganda Medical Workers’ Union show that the ministry of health owns expensive recent model 4x4 vehicles, totaling 2,935, yet hospitals in smaller towns often lack a single functional ambulance.

In Soroti, there is an ambulance – but no fuel. After Jocy Asio’s father paid Shs30,000 for petrol, the 19-year-old suffering from post-natal bleeding was rushed to the hospital only to be told there was no blood. At health centres like Kinoni, Mbarara, a double-cabin truck is used as an ambulance. The medical workers’ union point in a document that the ministry official vehicles can provide three well- equipped ambulances per sub-county and the Shs28 billion spent on fuel can build and equip five open heart surgery units.

At Mulago National Referral Hospital, it is not uncommon to see patients sleep in the corridor in the night due to overwhelming number, mothers in labour being shuffled, due to inadequate number of beds and patients often diagonise but asked to buy medicines from private pharmacies or clinics.“We put four of them (children) on the bed and some sleep on the floor,” said a health worker in Kyenjojo, western Uganda, explaining how he deals with overcrowding.

Meanwhile, programmes to tackle malaria, which is the number one killer disease in Uganda, as well as diarrhea, respiratory diseases, maternal and infant mortality, are chronically underfunded. “HIV/Aids and direct project funding affects funding for other sectors. We are insisting that the money is channeled into the system other than specific project funding,” said Dr Achieng during the health science week conference. “There is a need to look at the system as a whole, from human resource to infrastructure.”

State of hospitals

GULU HOSPITAL: The referral hospital is all but a dilapidated structure that has been condemned for human use, though plans are underway for a new modern hospital. Also, some sections have been refurbished. The maternity ward, children’s ward and medical ward have given some hope to visiting patients—if only service delivery was equalled.
Beds. The hospital is supposed to accommodate 250 inpatients but it overflows with more than 367.

Staffing. Specialist care remains a hurdle. Instead of having 40 doctors, there are only four doctors, of which two are retiring next year after reaching the retirement age and there is no replacement yet. According to the director of the hospital, Dr Athoney Onyach, a doctor on a daily basis is supposed to attend to only 30 patients but each is attending to up 100 patients.

Drugs. Supply has improved unlike in the past where patients referred to buy medicines from clinics and many skipped treatment due to biting poverty. Missing specialists. Ear, Nose and Throat doctor since 2005 when the structure was built (equipment are idle), pathologists left in 2006, gynecologist left two month ago.


BUNDIBUGYO HOSPITAL: The hospital administrator, Mr Ronald Mutegeki, says the hospital is in a sorry state and needs to be overhauled. He said the sewer system broke down several years ago and the hospital is still using old equipment, for instance, fire extinguishers which were installed in 1969 when the hospital opened have never been replaced. The hospital uses sand for firefighting.

Staffing. The hospital lacks a dispenser, radiographer, staff accommodation, dressing equipment, an anesthetist and a specialist to work on an ultra sound scan. Equipment. The hospital also lacks autoclaves, refrigerators, sterilisers and an EMO machine (used when anaesthising patients).

Drugs. The stores assistant, Mr Erasto Kamadi, says the hospital has been running without switchers, flagyl, ciprofloxacine for six months and ORS for two years. The hospital also lacks gloves and patients are supposed to improvise before they are worked on.


SOROTI HOSPITAL: An emergency operation had to wait for a couple of minutes. Reason? Load-shedding, and a standby generator for the hospital did not have fuel to run it. “It is a big challenge for us here, especially when we have an emergency to work on. Funds allocated for running the generator are not sufficient,” a doctor, who declined to disclose his identity for fear of reprisal, said.

Patients. The regional referral hospital also caters for Amuria, Bukedea, Kaberamaido, Katakwi, Kumi and part of Karamoja region. But authorities say it has not been able deliver to expectations due to numerous challenges ranging from inadequate staff to lacking to sufficient drugs.

Shortages. Dr Joseph Epodoi, a senior surgeon, said the hospital has a capacity of about 250 beds, which the unit has since outlived. He said the hospital is experiencing a high demand for blood due to increasing cases of malaria among children. The hospital currently depends on the Mbale-based blood bank.

Graft. A probe by the Health Services Delivery and Monitoring Unit in 2010 revealed massive graft, including theft under unclear circumstances of a computer containing vital information on the implementation of HIV/Aids programme at the hospital. It is alleged that last year, drugs worth Shs50m was stolen and about Shs7m meant for the repair of the hospital generator has since not been accounted for.

Uganda: German Firm Wins National ID Contract

A German firm yesterday confirmed that it had won the controversial national identification project. The Mühlbauer Technology Group spokesperson, Tilo Rosenberger, said the company had been awarded the contract at sh185b.

"Mühlbauer Technology Group announced that it has received an order for the realisation of a national identity card project," said Rosenberger.

He said the award worth sh179b will be implemented over a three year period. The deal comprises the provision of mobile data enrollment systems for the capturing of personal data, the creation of a central population data base as well as the establishment of a personalisation centre for the biometric identity documents

Mühlbauer indicated on its website that it is involved in more than 200 identity projects and supports numerous governments and authorities in implementing identity documents.

The Government last week signed the contract with the firm at the offices of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The German-based company was, however, sourced in contravention of procurement rules, according to sources. Efforts to get a comment from the Public Procurement and Disposal of Public Assets Authority were futile as the board chairman and executive director were said to be out of the country.

"The deal was treated as confidential and documents related to it were sent to the board chairman and executive director," said a source at the authority.

Minister for Internal Affairs Kirunda Kivejinja, also chairman of the security committee handling the project, declined to give details on the role played by the Government but said the project would soon be implemented.

He said the deal will not be presented before Parliament as some MPs had demanded.

"There are certain things that I do not have to go to Cabinet and Parliament for," said Kivejinja, before asking, "Do you think it is such a big deal? If it is your mandate, you implement it."

Reasoning that the national identification project was a matter of national security, the minister declined to give details on when and how the project would be implemented.

The revelation that the project has been awarded to the German company brought a new twist to the court battle between the Government and the South African data processing company, Face Technologies.

The firm sued the Government for breach of contract, saying it had an existing contract with the Government to implement the national identity project, having emerged winner in the bidding process in 2006.

Though the Government declined to discuss the fate of Face Technologies, it said the country could not be held hostage indefinitely by the court process.

The new price of sh180b quoted by the German company is slightly lower than the sh194b that was quoted by Face Technologies in 2005. Two other bidders had offered to do the job at sh200b and sh302b respectively.

The IGG stopped the procurement process in 2006 and investigations revealed that the process was marred with irregularities.

Uganda: No Compensation for ID Firm - IGG

THE Inspectorate of Government has ruled out compensation to Face Technologies, a South African firm, that won the bid to make national identity cards.

Face Technologies earlier this month served the Attorney General with a notice of intention to sue the Government for halting its contract to make national identity cards. It wants sh87b in compensation.

The company claims the Government committed itself when it offered them the tender to manage the National Population Databank and Identification Solution project.

But the IGG said the Government did not sign an agreement with the firm.

"They don't have any claim against the Government. The contract had not been signed. A notification of a post-evaluated bidder does not amount to a contract," Faith Mwondha told The New Vision.

The IGG probe report, obtained by The New Vision, says that the notice of award to the best-evaluated bidder, or a decision to award a contract, does not amount to a contract, according to the Public Procurement and Disposal of Assets Act and Regulation.

"The notice to award the contract to the best-evaluated bidder should be withdrawn and rescinded immediately pending other action by government," the IGG recommended.

The project, which has dragged on for two years, involves the production of 12 million national ID cards, 14 million registration certificates and one million Smart Cards.

The Government wanted to issue ID cards to all Ugandan citizens over 18 to help it verify people's identity and domiciliary and enable the provision of electronic government services.

The project, however, got embroiled into multiple scandals in February 2006, when former state minister for planning Isaac Musumba claimed that another company offered better terms than Face Technologies.

The IGG halted the process and started investigations after one of the losers, Contec Global, complained that they had been unfairly treated in the evaluation of the bids.

The investigation established that the procurement process of the vendor, who would implement the project, was riddled with illegalities. The probe also found that the process was characterised by patronage and in-fighting by public servants who had vested and even competing interests in the outcome.

"Consequently, the procurement process defeated the principles of objectivity and competitiveness through which the value for money could be achieved in implementing the project," the IGG said in her report.

The negotiation committee, according to the report, prematurely recommended that the contract be awarded to one of the vendors when critical issues on finance and revenue had not been concluded.

In addition, the committee did not disclose to the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) contract committee that Face Technologies, whose proposal had been evaluated as best at $92m, had floated a recovery schedule.

It proposed to recover $151m during the five-year period when it would build and own the project before transferring it to the Government, $59m more than it invested.

The report further pointed out that the UBOS contracts committee was not involved in the initial stages of the procurement.

Instead, the report said, the procurement process involved the implementation committee, the steering committee and the bid preparation and evaluation committee, all established by Musumba.

The investigation further revealed that Musumba exerted undue influence on the evaluation committee to pass firms which had not met the set criteria, either during the pre-qualification or the evaluation stage.

Nabongo of UBOS, who was a member of the evaluation committee, revealed that included Contec Global due to pressure from Musumba, who had personally called him.

"From the evidence gathered, it can also be reasonably inferred and concluded that Musumba was fronting and lobbying for Contec Global."

The probe established that Musumba initially only wrote to Contec Global, inviting it for negotiations with the Government, yet it was ranked third bidder. When it was pointed out to him that his action was contrary to the PPDA regulation, he then wrote to Face Technologies and another bidder, Supercom.

The report also implicates the Minister of Information and Communication Technology, Ham Mulira, who was then executive director of the Uganda Computer Services.

"Mulira failed to disclose his prior interaction with Face Technologies and to safeguard the integrity of the process he was engaged in," the IGG's report says.

Tuesday 8 February 2011

West Nile:Besigye still the political juggernaut

On the trail with the 2011 Presidential candidate, Kizza Besigye

It’s that typical sunny morning in Dufeli village, Moyo, when the village is embraced by dust and hot wind and the soil glisten as it reflect the hot morning sun ray.

Half naked children play by the potholed murrum roads, their skin ashen by the ground the play on. Together with adults, they weave and merriment to Kizza Besigye’s convoy as it snakes through their village, combing for votes.

The convoy came to a stop at a homestead, where graves line the compound; it’s the family home to the late Orosula Endreo, who perished in a motor accident together with his wives and children. Together eight family members are buried here.

“The roads in this area are bad, my brother died with his family while on their way from a wedding, their car hit a ditch and overturned” the home caretaker said. The accident occurred last month.

Dufeli is a village at the extreme end of Uganda; 4km away from the Sudan-Uganda Border, to get there, one has to drive through the rocky hills and gully roads, making the drive a frightening venture.

The village suffers from water shortage, during the dry seasons, the crops wither and when the rains return, the gardens get flood. In addition, the elephants from the Panzala reserve area destroy the crops in rainy seasons as they look for food.

“Here, we don’t feel the hand of government and the NGOs that reach here, only come to do research,” said Mary Asumpta, who graduated a fortnight ago with a degree in Development Studies from Gulu University.

Asumpta, like many other youth in the area have no hopes of getting employment anytime soon. In Dafuli, residents have the option of labouring in the gardens, venture into fishing or do retail business with their neighbours in Sudan.

“Business is tough here, transport is non existence and when you get to the border, you have to pay taxes of not less than sh20, 000 for a basket of fish” said Moses Vurri.

The issues raised in this far end of Uganda however cuts across the West Nile region. When asked, the people in this region outlines lack of electricity, poor road infrastructure and water shortage as the top most priority they would want the next President to deal with.

The region gave birth to Uganda’s third President, Idi Amin and when he was overthrown, several of its sons, who were soldiers in the National Army, resorted to rebel activities that destroyed the social and economic facets of the region.

It was only in the mid 2000s that the peace deals between the rebel groups and government ushered peace in the region. People are now concentrating on developing their lives but like their neighbours in Acholi and Lango sub-region, the region is yet to get on its feet.

According to the National Bureau of Statistic, the population of West Nile stands at 2,813,800 people and the district with the highest number of people is Nebbi, followed by Arua.

The main road from the capital Kampala to the main town of Arua has been tarmac and this has reduced travel hours from eight to six and made travel safer. Business people can now travel at night, which is convenient.

The region has the largest number of ex-servicemen and government is now promising to pay their entitlement. Government has granted the region more districts bringing the total to eight. So will these achievements change the political landscape?

Though the smooth road was constructed by 2006 elections, it did not translate into votes for NRM candidate Yoweri Museveni.

Their resentment they say stems from bad roads and lack of electricity plus poor social services.

Although the roads are fair within the urban centres, the greater part of West Nile and major roads to Sudan, their major trading partners, are impassable and the bridges are yet to be upgraded from wood to concrete or permanent status.

The West Nile region is one of the only two regions not connected to the national grid, the other being Karamoja. Efforts by government to take electricity to the region are yet to yield positive results. The 3.5megawatts Nyagak hydropower project stalled two years ago.

Going by past elections, West Nile is largely opposition turf. Kizza Besigye won in five of the six districts in the region.

In Adjumani, Museveni scored 11,277 to Besigye’s 19,919. In Arua he scored 67,436 to Besigye’s 103,133.

In Nebbi Museveni got 54,208, while Besigye got 56,663. Museveni again lost in Moyo with 11,610, with Besigye getting 14,901 and in Yumbe with 19,832 to Besigye’s 24,297.

It’s in Koboko that Museveni got 26,842, while Besigye got 2,694.

However, in counties like Vuura and Okoro where Museveni has always won, the votes are reducing. In 2001, Museveni got 64%, 60% in 2006 while Besigye for 31% in 2001 to 34% in 2006.

In Okoro, Museveni got 74% in 2001, Besigye 20%, in 2006, Museveni got 51% in 2006 and Besigye 40.5%.

The current parliamentary seats however give a different picture of the political landscape showing NRM with the majority. Of the 20 MPs, the ruling party has eight followed by FDC with six. The rest are taken by independents (four) and Uganda People’s Congress (two). Of the seven district leaders in the region, six are NRM, while only one is FDC.

Despite having more MPs and district leaders in the region, NRM’s presidential candidate did not perform well in the last election.

The local people say the MPs and local leaders concentrated on their campaigns fearing the mention of Museveni would cost them votes. In addition to old sentiments, this year, factors like wrangles over money within NRM district leaders would be an additional factor in favour of Besigye.

Last month, shs700m given by NRM candidate to women’s groups in the four district of Yumbe, Koboko, Arua and Maracha was shared by NRM leaders and given to their campaigned agents. In November sh10m given to his campaign team to organise his elections was hijacked by officials.

When Kizza, as he is popularly called in West Nile arrived on Monday 24 for a week long campaign, the euphoria of 2006 was not lost.

The showdown of who wields the axe in the region came in the town of Arua, where the NRM organised a party, alongside Besigye’s rally. The curtains came down on Sarturday,29, at 4pm, when Besigye entered town, crowds poured on the street, singing and dancing to songs such as “Toka kwa barabara, Besigye imeingia, toa gaishya yako, tunataka Besigye. (Give way, Besigye has entered, remove your rubbish, we want Besigye).

Others chanted in the local language; “Anyia emi eza oyee, (we have eaten your meat for nothing)

In his campaign, Besigye rode on issues that have always given him the majority votes in the region. He promised West Nile that electrifying the region is his top most priority, followed by road construction.

The sentiments were high on the poor quality of education as Besigye outline result from Primary leaving examination. “Yumbe got 27 first grade, all from private schools, Nebbi got 57, and 30 of which are from private schools, Adjumani, Marcaha, Arua, all the same poor performances, where is the future of the region,?” Besigye asked.

He outlined his plan as building more classrooms, re-training teachers, doubling teacher’s salary to sh400, 000 and providing lunch at school.

In comparing Amin and Museveni, Besigye touched on positives codes in Koboko, Amin’s home town. He said Amin deserved recognition for contributing to the development of the country. He said Amin built schools, army barracks, and the international conference centre. Amin, started the process of taking electricity to West Nile from Jinja before he was overthrown in 1979, this option still remains open.

The sentiments over the sale of Okoro corporative Society in 2004, and allegation of it having been bought by President Museveni’s brother Salim Sale, is still high in Paidha. The population said they are still grieved by the cutting down of Lendu forest, the largest man made forest in the region and others like Ossi, Awang and Okavu could still play in Besigye’s favour if the huge crowd that turned up to listen to him was anything to go by.

On the dusty, road from Moyo to Yumbe, an old man, stopped Besigye’s convoy, he had one request, “Help us get our payment as ex-servicemen,” he said. Several of such requests were made at every rally in West Nile region. The IPC candidate promised to pay thousands of ex-servicemen their due arrears.

He promised to make Agriculture the engine of the economy; his government will set up irrigation schemes in the region, avail farmers tractors for hire at sub-county headquarters and build silos in each region to stabilize the prices of farm commodities during surplus and offer food supplies in the face of famine.

The FDC government will upgrade Arua airfield to an international airport.

Dr Besigye explained why the lost in past elections and assured his supporters that they will win the February 18, elections. In the last elections, he said, we were a young party and in addition, we were not prepared as a party. However, we now have committees at every polling station.

“We did not win for two reasons, one, other parts of the country took long to realize NRM party is evil and also our votes were stole, because we, ourselves were not organized enough to protect our votes,” he said.

He promised that no amount of intimidation will prevent his party from announcing own result. He said his team will control polling stations, tally results at its own tally centre and announce them.

His message of “change is coming for a better Uganda” inspired voters. “Besigye has the capacity of convincing people and for me, I am sure this may not remain verbal, he is going to fulfill them, not in a year or two but over a period of time,” said David Acidri, 40, a Mechanic.

If a crowd in West Nile region is anything to go by, then Besigye still remains the political juggernaut he has been in West Nile region.

Political conflict

However, the failure by Besigye’s camp to amicably solve a conflict involving two of their leading party officials in the region seems to be working against Besigye’s win in Maracha district.

MPs Alex Onzima (Maracha) and Kasiano Wadri (Terego) have battled over the creation of Maracha since 2006. This was solved last year by returning Terego to Arua. However the pull and push over the location of the district headquarters led to Onzima’s coziness with NRM officials that culminated in his expulsion from FDC and his eventual defection to NRM.

Onzima’s supporters feel alienated from the party by the FDC. “But Onzima is still popular here. We support him because he is fighting for a cause that will benefit all of us,” says Moses Drawuzu.

In Arua Municipality, there is the unresolved conflict between incumbent FDC MP Akbar Godi, now an independent, with Aminah Atako, contesting on FDC ticket. Besigye, only made a diplomatic statement while in Arua that, “They are our people and we believe in democratic principals.”

Lango gives mixed signals

On the road with opposition Presidential candidate Kizza Besigye

The Inter-Party Co-operation presidential candidate Kizza Besigye’s hunt for votes in Lango was characterised by an unfamiliar event in the political history of the sub-region a fortnight ago.

A fight that ensued between supporters of the opposition party, the Forum for Democratic
Change (FDC) and those of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Aloi trading centre, Alebtong District signalled the changing political terrain.

The scuffle, the first of its kind in the region, shocked the old residents of the village. It did not only demonstrate the deep rivalry between the two camps, but was a sign that the NRM party has gained some confidence to rear its head in Lango.

“These children are not fighting for a party but money. Politics has never been this way in Lango,” said Gandesio Ogwal, a UPC supporter. Ogwal’s statement was re-echoed by his friend Tony Ongom, 53, who blames the fight on the NRM’s recent gains in Lango.

The two men noted that the NRM had made some in-roads in the village, but reckoned that Besigye might win in Lango.

Lango gave Uganda its first Prime Minister and second President Milton Obote and it remains a stronghold of the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). A collection of flowers in the UPC colours — red, blue and black — planted at the end of the main street, Obote Road, gives the impression that the party remains strong in Lango.

However, beyond the flowers, Lango region might be a little more competitive in the 2011 general elections than in the previous general elections.

When Besigye visited the region last week, there were uncoordinated movements and mixed reactions to his presence. The indications did not only come from the common man, but the political and cultural leaders as well. His support, as people observed, still exists.

At his rallies, thousands danced and ululated as elders shouted his praises. During several rallies, seasoned politicians of Lango, including Cecilia Ogwal, Ben Wacha, Angiro Gutomoi, Alex Okot and Ojok B’leo, as well as a host of district councillors who were previously in UPC, accompanied and openly campaigned for Besigye.

Several defected from the UPC and NRM to FDC. Some of the defectors claimed that they had been misled and others said they had realized that FDC would serve their interests.

The former NRM chairman of Aloro Parish, Amach Sub-county in Lira, Tony Gony, told the rally at the sub-county headquarters that he had left the NRM because of the threat to grab his land. “They wanted to take my land, they had even surveyed it,” he said.

FDC leaders in the region admit that the NRM could get between five and 10% of the vote in the February elections. The two new districts of Oyam and Alebtong are said to have the highest number of NRM supporters.

There were about 485,000 voters in Lango region in 2006. Besigye got 85% of the votes in Lango, while the NRM candidate, Yoweri Museveni, got 6%. However, going by the parliamentary and local council votes in the 2006 elections, the contest in Lango was a war for the local leadership within the UPC.

FDC got no parliamentary seats. Of the 11 directly elected MPs, six belonged to UPC, while four were UPC ‘rebels’ –the independents. Only Felix Okot Ogong was elected on the NRM ticket. Of the four Woman MPs, two were UPC ‘rebels’, one NRM and the other UPC.

However, there seems to be a shift in the parliamentary votes, with FDC and NRM poised to share seats previously held by UPC. The defections of UPC leaders to FDC have however, given FDC a boost. UPC has the largest number of councillors, 55% in all of Lango’s districts, but these might reduce as the party continues to lose its members.

Besigye’s vote is, however, threatened by the entry of Norbert Mao of DP and Olara Otunnu of UPC.

“We shall vote for Mao and Otunnu and let Museveni and Besigye split the votes in the west and then go for a re-run,” said Peter Okao.

This assumption could greatly affect Besigye’s performance. However, the long-standing hatred between Acholi and Lango could save some of Besigye’s votes.

“Otunnu is good, but where he hails from is my problem,” said Okao of Bala in Kole District.

After this year’s delegates conference that saw Lira MP Jimmy Akena lose the UPC leadership to Otunnu, who is from Kitgum, many people doubt that Lango will remain as faithful to the party.

“I don’t think that UPC is still a Lango party. We all know what Otunnu did to Obote. We know that he betrayed him in 1985. I cannot support him even if I am a life member of UPC,” says Sam Longo, who runs a stall in Lira Market.

As the country moves to polling day in about 18 days, there is mixed reaction to Besigye, Otunnu, Mao and Museveni in Lango. A section of voters say Otunnu is a traitor, Mao a vote spoiler and they are unsure about Museveni.

When you mention places like Aboke and Barlonyo to anybody in Uganda, the atrocities committed by the LRA rebels come to mind. However, in Lango, it raises mistrust and a feeling of betrayal by the NRM.

A section of the population say there is no reason why the NRM should benefit from the return of the displaced persons. “They were returned by NGOs and not the Government,” says Felix Ogwang.

The war sent many into camps and it affected the social and economic development in the region. Other than the towns, the rest of the areas have lagged behind. Education suffered in many rural areas because of the war. The roads are impassable and health centres lack drugs.

Besigye rode on these issues during his campaigns in Lango. He promised to revive agriculture and give each household an ox-plough and revive the farmer’s co-operative society. He also promised that his government will build roads in the region and help farmers have access to markets.

He encouraged his supporters not to lose hope as there were all indications that this time, he would win. “We have committees at every level and we are now more prepared than before. That is why we won by-elections in Mbale, Bugweri and Mukono, among others,” he said.

The tarmacking of the Soroti-Dokolo-Lira road has been the biggest infrastructural development in Lango for many years. But it is not clear whether that will translate into votes for the NRM in Lango.

The FDC leaders who accompanied Besigye to Lango, like Alaso Alice (MP), Elijah Okupa (MP), Ogenga Latigo (MP) and Nandala Mafabi (MP) asserted that the road was repaired because they put pressure on the Government to do so.

“For 25 years, the road was murram and several roads remain so. In 25 years if you calculate, the NRM has only constructed four kilometers of road in Lango per year,” said Latigo.

The fixing of the Corner Kamdini-Lira road means that access to the Lango region via the main highway is assured. However, most of the district roads are in a bad state. These include Lira-Pader-Kitgum, Lira-Bobi, Lira-Amolator and Lira-Aloi.

Lango region largely depends on farming as a source of income. For many years, cotton was the leading cash crop in the region. But it was hit hard by the war.

Monday 17 January 2011

Soldiers of fortune

Ugandans making it big in South Africa

It’s that warm summer morning, when it seems like Johannesburg is covered by a slow-moving hot air conditioner, in central Hillbrow, the traders go about calling out to buyers. They warm-heartedly refer to each other as doctor, brigadier, colonel, general, mugagga, Shaba wa Shaba, boss, king, depending on what job one is doing and how he is perceived among the growing community of Ugandans searching for riches in South Africa.

A trip to Wanderers Street in Hillbrow, jerks you into the Ugandan community, doing all sorts of jobs. Here, you find professionals, businessmen, quack traditional doctors, vendors and those selling assorted items.

First you notice the language; Luganda, but they quickly switch to Xhosa or Zulu as a customer approaches.

They go about selling clothes, bags, jewellery, foodstuffs and doing porterage. Then there are those frantically distributing leaflets advertising traditional healers from East Africa.

“I call them soldiers of fortune,” said George Awol, who owns a security firm, Awol Security, in Hillbrow.

Thousands of Ugandans travel by road to South Africa every year in search of employment. When they arrive in the country, either they proceed to Pretoria or remain in Johannesburg but most start as quack witchdoctors or pamphlet-distributing “boys” or “girls”.

Most say the entered South Africa through Zimbabwe, Botswana or Mozambique. Their heart-rendering stories of travelling for several days without food, swimming across rivers and jumping over razor wire at border points and riding on the back of trucks into South Africa is one of determination.

George Awol, has been here for 10 years, he says he has seen many come with nothing but now drive expensive cars and own apartments in several areas of Johannesburg.

“When they come, we show them what to do, how to start life, sell assorted items or distribute leaflets for traditional witchdoctors,” he said.

Awol’s office is just above the Park Station Market, in the downtown area of Hillbrow in South Africa. This market is not any different from Owino Market in downtown Kampala.

The market is located just behind Park Station, a stop for buses from other Southern African countries. This is where the majority of Ugandans sneaking into South Africa first land. in this market, they sell foodstuffs, clothes and electronics from China, crafts imported from Kenya or work in electronic workshops as well.

The chairman of the market is Ugandan. He declines to give me his name but says he is from Namugongo. He has been in South Africa for six years and deals in crafts. Chairman earns R1000-2000 (sh300,000 - 600,000) per day. He is building a house back home in Kira Sub-county.

inside the offices of Awol Security, are two Ugandans, Hakim, 23, and Siraji, 22, who have just arrived. They are semi literate but hope to make it big in future. Siraji and Hakim do porterage and distribute pamphlets for quack witchdoctors. They are paid between R30 to R50 (sh9,000 - sh15,000) per day. From George’s office, located on the fourth floor, one gets an aerial view of Park Station and Park Market and several streets of Hillbrow.

Awol’s office acts as a lodge at night for the many Ugandans searching for a better life in South Africa. “You can’t event get space for your legs in the night here,” said Awol. He is renting a whole floor, consisting of several rooms, which he sub-lets to Ugandans or lets them use them for free till they find their footing.

The cab driver, a Ugandan and an a staunch supporter of President Yoweri Museveni, does not go into specifics but tells me an estimated 20,000 semi-literate and literate Ugandans are working so hard that they drive expensive cars.

Bunya Serebe, is a proprietor of two colleges outside Johannesburg. His company, Zeal-Com Capitals Ltd, also deals in stationery, computer hardware and in his office is an advert for Herbal medicine. He does not go into details about his colleges or company profits, only answering my questions in general terms. Bunya’s office is well furnished and located in the upmarket area of Hillbrow.

He is the leader of the non-professional Ugandans living in South Africa and estimates them to be between 300,000 to 350,000.

Ssegawa is one of the many Ugandans who arrived in Park Station, ready to mint gold in Johannesburg, the city that habours 40% of the world’s gold.

The 34-year-old, a quack witchdoctor, has credited his success in this scam to his unrelenting search for success. From this business, Ssegawa has set up a modern, multipurpose internet café in Johannesburg’s central business district. He drives the latest model of BMW 3 series.

He left Uganda for South Africa seven years ago, after the company he was working for, Greenland insurance, folded. “I was going to Dubai for kyeyo but my friend suggested that we go to South Africa, that it is easy to get a job and fellow blacks would treat us well,” he says.

“When I got here, things were different; no one could employ me, even with my degree in accounting,” he remembers. Determined to make ends meet, Ssegawa got involved in the witchdoctor scam, first working for a lady who exploited him. He then moved to another, after which he and three other friends set up their own clinics. After a year, the three had made enough capital to enable each start their own business.

“I now own three ‘clinics’, from which I earn between R1,500 (R450,000)-R3,000 (sh900,000) a day. I employ 40 people, paying each R50 per day,” said Ssegawa.

He, however, says he feels bad for all the people who sit at a filthy table for hours, sometimes a day, feigning an intercession with spirits. Pain in this trade comes in many forms. There is the loss you feel about living off of the dregs of a societal illness. Then there is the moment of clarity when you realise you have become just like the old, sad men that you ridiculed in your younger, luckier days.

Then there is the anxiety explaining to your family what the source of your money is. “There is a sweltering unease that comes from watching loved ones twist uncomfortably when you give then a gift with the spoils from the scam,” he said. But none of the scam’s daily guilt is intrusive enough to force him out of the business. What is more, all of the inner indignity is cleaned by the huge profits.

“But what do I do? I am searching for a solution out of poverty and unemployment.”

Ssegawa does not believe in the herbs he sells. “What I do is to only play with a person’s mind.” When things don’t work and he is threatened by a client, he moves shop to another location. The front desk of Ssegawa’s clinic is neat. On the wall are pictures of backcloth and traditional artefacts. The examination room is dimly lit, and a mat is provided for clients. Unlike in Uganda, here the traditional doctors dress in suits and operate from very neat ‘clinics’. Similarity only comes in when a client has to be cleaned with certain herbs, remove shoes before stepping on the ‘holy’ ground and the dims lights or none at all.

Like him, many Ugandans are involved in this business. Bunya Serebe, a proprietor of several colleges in Johannesburg, defends them, saying it’s the only way out for those who end up conned in South Africa or seeking for a better life. This business has found fertile ground in the highly superstitious South African communities.

They believe that ancestors guide and protect the living through traditional healers. Due to these superstitious beliefs, sangomas (witchdoctors) are considered to be holy men and women who can bring good luck to their communities and chase away evil spirits.

As a result of this respect and the incentives that come with it, foreign traditional healers have flooded the market promising the highly superstitious Southern Africans heaven on earth. Ssegawa tells me they claim to have powers to cure all sorts of illnesses, make the poor rich, bring back lost love, win court cases, win the lotto or predict the future. Due to their aggressive adverts and alleged expertise, traditional witchdoctors from East Africa are now considered the best in the business of sorcery.

They are paid consultation fees ranging from R30 (sh12,000) to R60 (sh24,000) and clients are charged according to the problems they present. The healers demand to be paid in cash and cars. Since it is taboo to question traditional healers, they exploit that.

The Ugandan traditional healers rent rooms in towns for their business and you will always find them in groups. For those who sell the herbal medicine, they get it either from Uganda, Zimbabwe or rural South Africa.

Further shielding Ugandans in this trade is the South African law which recognises traditional medicine and it is common to find certificates hanging on the walls of these clinics, claiming they have attended traditional medicine courses in Uganda and other East African countries.

But this group has considerable wealth, with the majority driving expensive models of BMW cars, living in lavish apartments and putting up huge structures back home. They, however, do not want their identities revealed.

They give themselves titles such as Doctor or Professor Sula, Ndugu, Shaba Shaba. “I change names depending on circumstances,” said Ssegawa. Two hundred metres from Segawa’s ‘clinic’, located on Wanderers Street, is an internet café packed with students and other users, who I later learnt were mostly Ugandans. The students play computer games, chat, email and check on the latest news from home.

I asked them if they are skilled at using computers. “Of course, we are good,” says a student. Michael, 14, is a son to Ugandan parents who have lived here for eight years now. His parents, he says, own a college.

Minting gold
The café assistant, a 27-year-old university graduate, with a degree in social sciences, fills me in on the mentality of Ugandans working in South Africa. “The truth is, everyone here works hard, and they are here to make money, whatever it takes,” said Sherlyn Birungi.

“My boss is rich, his brothers and sisters are rich,” says Birungi. “They don’t worry about anything.” Her boss, she says, doubles as a witchdoctor and his sister owns a beauty salon and a restaurant.

Hillbrow is one of the most dangerous places to live in but a burgeoning business and professional class and the offspring of both groups — is only getting richer, more powerful and less accountable in this neglected part of South Africa.

No Rain in the Rainbow nation as Ugandans end on South Africa streets

HUNDREDS of Ugandans lured to South Africa with promises of education and job opportunities have ended up on Johannesburg streets empty-handed.

Some abandon their jobs expecting high pay only to discover too late that they are victims of a racket based in South Africa with contacts in Uganda. The conmen also target parents who want to get a good education for their children. The unsuspecting parents bite the attractive baits and pay large sums of money only to discover they have been duped in what is emerging as a big trans-border scam.

According to Sunday Vision investigations, a Ugandan graduate who responded to an advert in a newspaper for a job, paid sh2.4m and travelled to South Africa, ended up distributing hand bills for a traditional healer. He was paid (R30) sh9,000 per day and lived in a dilapidated one-bedroom house with 12 others.

Another Ugandan gave up his job at Roofings Ltd, sold his piece of land and household properties for a better life in South Africa. Upon arrival, the big job he had been promised was not available, but he was taught tricks to pretend as a witchdoctor. But he failed to do the job and now roams the streets of Hillbrow, a suburb of Johannesburg where many stranded Ugandans are languishing.

To survive, the Ugandans take on odd jobs and some do errands for witchdoctors. Witchcraft being lucrative in South Africa some of the Ugandans masquerade as traditional healers to earn a living.

It all started when Richard Musiime read an advert in one of the newspapers promising jobs, work permits or education in South Africa.

Richard (not real name) had just graduated from university and after discussing with the recruitment firm based in Johannesburg and with a branch in Kampala about the opportunities, he was sure of earning gold once in South Africa.

Being from a well-to-do family, his parents paid the R8,000 (sh2.4m) that the firm had made them believe would get him the job.

After paying the money, he was then asked to travel by road to South Africa, given phone contacts and in each country he arrived, he surely found someone waiting at the border point, purportedly to be working for the company and helped him enter through.

Not until he reached Johannesburg was he abandoned. He ended up in the suburb of Mayville.

Stranded, Richard ended up working for a traditional healer, distributing hand bills for traditional doctors from East Africa, for a pay of R30 (sh9,000) per day and later sleeping in a one-bedroom dilapidated house which he shared with 12 others.

Richard is not alone. Isaac Wasike abandoned his job at Roofings Ltd, sold his piece of land in Zana and his household properties for a better life in South Africa.

He was invited by a friend, who told him they could run a lucrative business in Johannesburg. Upon arrival in South Africa, Wasike’s friend confessed to him that he was a quack witchdoctor. With nothing to come back to, Wasike, 32, bought the idea, injected R10,000 (sh3m) into the business and another R5,000 (sh1.5m) allegedly to process his work permit.

on the streets of Hillbrow
Wasike was taken through the tricks of convincing clients into parting with huge sums of money or property. However, upon reporting for work, the landlord informed him that the police had been looking for his friend and he owed rent arrears. He quickly called his friend, who promised to come to his rescue but that was the last time he heard from him.

Wasike now walks and sleeps on the streets of Hillbrow, a suburb of Johannesburg, where many stranded Ugandans are languishing. For a living, he is distributing pamphlets advertising witchdoctors’ services on how to bring back lost love.

Peter Mukasa
He worked for a financial institution, but always looked forward to a better life and when he was told of lucrative jobs in the city of gold; he quickly resigned, packed his bags and left for Johannesburg.

“My intention was to transform my life. My friends had assured me it was better here and we all knew how fast Ugandans living in South Africa moved up the economic ladder. They usually buy land and set up businesses and properties within a short space of time. That’s why I resigned my job,” Mukasa, 27, said.

Mukasa, however, refused to deposit the required sh3m.

“I told them I would give them the money once I arrived. In every country I went through, someone was waiting for me to ensure I was on a bus. They would then give me telephone contacts for a person waiting in the next country,” Mukasa said.

“When I arrived at Park Station, the man I had been in contact with instructed me to deposit the money on a certain bank account before he could fetch me. But when I told him I would only do that after meeting him, he said he was in Swaziland and switched off his phone,” Mukasa said.

He ended up distributing pamphlets adverting penis enlargement before making his way to Pretoria and now stays with “a friend”.

Musiime was lucky that his parents had contacts in South Africa, who tracked him down to Mayville and he is now back home. But many young Ugandans have ended up on the streets of South Africa, after being enticed with promises of high-paying jobs and benefits.

After using up their life savings to secure these jobs, they arrived in South Africa only to be asked to distribute pamphlets advertising quack traditional doctors. Some are kept in bondage with threats that the police will arrest them because they are living in South Africa illegally.

The scheme appears to be operated by those based in downtown area of Hillbrow and a Pretoria-based Ugandan who advertises in Uganda’s newspapers and on radio stations.

This organisation has a branch on Entebbe road. It has posters plastered around Kampala.

When someone responds to the advert, they are told to deposit up to R10,000 (sh3m) in a certain bank account to enable recruiters to sort out paperwork with prospective employers and to secure work permits.

When I sought their help to travel to South Africa and that I was seeking to work in Johannesburg. I was told to take four passport photos, a photocopy of my passport and a registration fee of sh10,000.

I was asked to pay $1,000 in order for them to process my work permit and I was given an assurance that its parent company in South Africa would have my work permit and temporary accommodation ready by the time I arrived there.

The unsuspecting victims are always instructed to travel by road to South Africa. When they arrive in the country, either they discover their recruiters have disappeared or they are turned into pamphlet-distributing “boys” or “girls”.

The victims are told that they don’t need a visa to enter South Africa. Indeed victims like Michael Kagolo got into South Africa without a visa or having his passport stamped at any border point.

The racket seems to involve customs officials at the different border points, who let in the victim without any documentation. It is only at the South African border that the victim’s name is written on an A4-size piece of paper.

Stephen Twinoburyo, who lives in Pretoria narrates that early this year a Ugandan boy, phoned him from the Musina border after entering South Africa and said the person he was going to see had said that Twinoburyo, as the AUPSA (The Association of Ugandan Professionals in South Africa) chairman, would assist transport him to Johannesburg since he was busy at the time and was no longer reachable on phone.

“I told him that I live in Pretoria and that there is no way the ‘host person’ could have expected me to drive to Musina, 400 km away, to fetch him,” he said.

students not spared
What is more shocking is that the young professionals and students are lured to South Africa by Ugandans who are respected and well connected at home.

Those left humiliated and stranded thousands of miles away from home, walk the streets of Johannesburg, Pretoria or at the borders of Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique.

A section of those operating the racket are, however, witchdoctors but masquerade as college principals offering scholarships or placement agencies.

MOLLY AND GRACE
The two students left Uganda with the hope of furthering their education at a college in Pretoria. Their parents were promised scholarships. But the two are now working in a restaurant in order to survive and share a three by four square metre bedroom with seven other girls.

Wilber Onyango Randari, a Ugandan businessman in Pretoria who runs Face of Africa restaurant, employs some of the students who are leaving in dire conditions in South Africa.
“The students approached me one day, they told me they were from Uganda and needed help,” said Onyango.

He narrated that when he visited the place where these students were living, “it was appalling. I found seven of them cramped in one tiny room,” said Onyango.

“I then approached the Brooklyn College principal, who told me that they only offered them school fees and the students have to cater for the rest,” he said.

Onyango said the circular, issued out to the parents of these students indicated that they needed only sh100,000 for accommodation and sh50,000 for feeding. This, Onyango said, is not even half of what the students needed. The cheapest accommodation would go for R800, (sh240,000).

Patrick Kyazze, who owns an internet business in Pretoria, said he is usually approached by Ugandan students who have been promised fully paid bursaries.

“It is really bad. They end up distributing pamphlets, and when they go to the embassy, they are told that hundreds of other people had sought help in a similar way,” he said.

Brooklyn College offers certificate courses and it is run by Ivan Semwanga together with his wife Zarina Zaitun.

Semwanga recently offered 50 scholarships to the Kingdom of Buganda and this offer was specifically for tuition. Scholars are supposed to meet their own travel and accommodation costs.

A copy of a recommendation letter for one of the students, James Yiga, purportedly signed by an official on behalf of the kingdom’s state minister for education, Ahmed Lwasa, states that only tuitions fees would be covered.

“Both the students and the kingdom know that we only offer tution and they are expected to meet upkeep costs,” said Zaitun, CEO Brooklyn College.

She said the stranded students turned up without admissions from her college.

The South African High Commission in Uganda said they heard of the college when the Buganda kingdom approached them for visas but asked for documents, which the education minister is yet to avail them.

The high commission warned those travelling to South Africa not to expect gold once there.

Ugandans living in South Africa describe the racket as composed of semi-literate Ugandans.

“They are the kind of people you would not find in the mainstream Ugandan community because of the nature of their jobs,” said Twinoburyo. “They employ a number of people to run their units — thus going around collecting money.”

The South African police in Pretoria in June arrested and prosecuted four Ugandans, one Nigerian and two South African citizens for running illegal colleges.

“This follows the closing down of more illegal colleges across the country by police. Even more sarcastically, some of these colleges offered training courses in policing, when in fact only government’s the police colleges authentically offer such training,” said South African Minister of Police, Nathi Mthethwa.

colleges closed
The operation to crack down on illegal colleges, some run by Ugandans, started in May and by last month seven arrests had been made and 14 colleges closed.

“Instead of refraining from their illegal practices, these ‘directors’ ignored our call. Now they are feeling the heat. We will ensure they receive the harshest punishment because their actions clearly amount to criminality,” said Mthethwa.

“Beyond just arresting these scoundrels who rob our children of their future, we are also embarking on a campaign to name and shame them publicly; so that we also warn all potential students not to fall victim of suc rackets,” he added.

During the raids, police confiscated and are in possession of some of the ‘certificates’ which are issued to students upon completion of their studies. Some of these fake certificates even resemble those issued by the South African Qualifications Authority, and other certification bodies.

The South African Consular in Uganda, Johannes Van Niekerk, urged parents and students to verify with the high commission in Uganda before enrolling in any college.

Blame on Uganda high commission
The Ugandan community in South Africa, however, believes the Ugandan High Commission in South Africa is not doing enough to save its citizens who have fallen victim to this crime.

The high commission has not responded to queries sent to it two weeks ago.

“When you approach the embassy, they ask you to fill some forms and tell you to pay $50 for a temporary travel document. Some of these people have gone for days without food, got no where to sleep and the high commission still asks them for money,” noted a Ugandan.

“The embassy is there not only to protect Uganda’s interests here, but also to help Ugandans back home with relevant information that emanates from here. It’s high time the embassy stepped forward and protected Ugandans,” said Twinoburyo.

Ugandan ‘doctors’ top list of crooks
They are commonly known as doctor (or sometimes professor), but they are Uganda‘s biggest unwanted export to South Africa.

The South African communities are highly superstitious and believe that ancestors guide and protect the living through traditional healers. Due to these superstitious beliefs, sangomas are considered to be holy men and women who can bring good luck to their communities and chase away evil spirits.
As a result of this respect and many incentives that go with this worthwhile healing profession, foreign traditional healers have flooded the market promising the highly superstitious Southern Africans heaven on earth.

The majority of these traditional healers are from Nigeria and Uganda. They claim to have powers to cure all sorts of illnesses, make the poor rich, bring back lost love, win court cases, win the lotto and predict the future.

Due to their aggressive adverts and alleged expertise, they are now considered the best in the business of sorcery.

They are paid consultation fees ranging from R40 (sh12,000) to R80 (sh24,000) and clients are charged according to the problems they present.

The healers demand as payment cash, cars and since its taboo to question traditional healers in sections of South African, they exploit that and go to the extent of asking for credit cards with threats that if the clients refuse, they will lose their family members.
“It’s an activity they wouldn’t carry out in Uganda but clearly, it’s one of Uganda’s biggest exports to South Africa,” said Priscilla Namukasa, a Ugandan working for the South African government.
The Ugandan traditional healers rent rooms in towns for their business and you will always find them in groups. For those who sell the herbal medicine, it’s difficult to know the source as they never tell you.

The South African law recognises traditional medicine and it is common to find certificates hanging on the walls of these clinics, claiming they have attended traditional medicine courses in Uganda and other East African countries.

They give themselves titles such as Doctor or Professor Sula, Ndugu, Shaba Shaba etc. They also use phony names, usually Islamic names to advertise their trade.

There are tales of those who have been asked to deposit large sums of money which the sangoma goes on to mutiply, others have been asked to surrender their cars and usually when the victims do these, they close shop and relocate to another town.

South African Police act
In August, a quack Ugandan traditional healer, caught in the get-rich-scam was arraigned in Nelspruit Magistrate’s court.
Police spokesperson Leonard Hlathi said in an interview with Sapa newspaper that the Ugandan traditional healer allegedly demanded R29,000 (sh8.7m) from a man who came to be cleansed, in exchange for a share of R900,000 (sh270m).

The healer claimed he wanted the money to buy 13 cows, which needed to be sacrificed so he could open a metal box containing the sh270m.

When the victim delivered R29,000 (sh8.7m), the healer allegedly demanded R10,000 (sh3m) more, saying he needed more cows. He then approached the police, who arrested the Ugandan.

“He was found to be in possession of a fraudulent Zimbabwean passport and fraudulent asylum permit,” said the police in a statement.

Will independents change political landscape in 2011?

WITH the parliamentary nominations concluded, the NRM has emerged again as the largest party alongside a sharply increased representation of independent MPs, but what will their impact be come 2011?

The Independents will most likely capture critical new power to redraw constituency maps and influence local elections for five years to come.

Independents are likely to have a bigger influence in the next Parliament than the current ones.

Results from the nominations indicate that 50% of those successfully nominated are playing the independent card. Unlike in 2006, where some ministers were nominated unopposed, this time all 70 ministers have two or more independent candidates standing against them.

While in 2006, 356 were nominated as independent, preliminary results show the is close to 500 candidates this time round.

Makerere University political analysts, however, predict that the increased number of independent candidates will not affect NRM’s dominance in Parliament in the next five years. The Independents, analysts said, are not driven by ideological difference but anger and grudges.

“The Independents are only independent in name, even if they win, they have no ideology to drive them. I don’t think they pause any threat either to the opposition or NRM,” say researcher and history don, Mwambutsya Ndebesa.

Political analyst Golooba Mutebi agrees: “I don’t think that the large number (of Independents) is going to change NRM’s parliamentary dominance that much. Once they get to Parliament, like in 2006, they will side with or sign a memorandum with the NRM.”

The NRM is fielding 364 candidates, having a contender for each constituency and special interest groups. Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) has 288 candidates nominated, Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) has 135 while the Democratic Party (DP) has 120 nominees. Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA) has 66, People’s Development Party (PDP) has 18 and 33 are nominated on the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) ticket.

While the opposition has more candidates nominated than it did in 2006, 660 compared to 355, it is not clear whether they will capture more seats than NRM of the over 333 seats in the August House.

In 2006, the NRM had 277 nominees, UPC 88, FDC 175, DP 72, JEEMA nine, CP five and six smaller parties each fielded one candidate.

In the outgoing parliament, the NRM dominated with 221 seats; FDC held 38 seats, UPC 9, DP 10, JEEMA and CP each held one seat. The Independents are 38; with the majority leaning towards the ruling NRM and UPC.

Electoral Commission data shows that there are 238 directly elected seats, 112 for women representatives and 25 seats available for special interest groups.

Political analysts note that the Independents are the result of weak legislations. They said existing legislations are not sufficient enough to guide the development of democracy under multiparty politics.

“This symbolises a failed democracy. It means political parties are dysfunctional,” said Aaron Mukwaya. “Therefore, we should expect a weak Parliament; that is grudging as those voted will be because they are popular or because people are angry.”

The opposition, analysts predict, will lose more seats in the 2011 general elections as they have failed to reconcile their differences while the NRM dominance in Parliament will not be threatened by the Independents.

Ndebesa said victory in the 2011 parliamentary elections will be determined by two factors: organisational structure and political factors.

“The opposition has the political factor but the NRM has an edge in organisational structure. It has grown a lot in the last five years in terms of projects and money. It also used intimidation in areas where opposition scored highly in 2006,” said Ndebesa.

He said that the opposition has failed to translate their political support based on issues of poverty, poor social services and poor infrastructure into votes.

“It is not enough to have political factors in your favour if you have no capacity to translate them into votes,” says Ndebesa.

Despite the numerous factors playing in its favour, the NRM is faced with the challenge of dealing with Independents in 2011 parliamentary elections.

Party spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, admits that Independents are a threat to the party. “Our own internal processes were flawed, it would be unfair for NRM to employ the hammer on them,” he explains.

The NRM, like the opposition parties — FDC, UPC and DP is, however, confident that the Independents will not beat its flag bearers in the elections.

In fact, FDC and NRM are confident that factors such as the strength of their party and presidential candidates will greatly reduce the chances of independent candidates winning.

“We do not think they are a threat to NRM. We don’t think they will be trouble makers in the House, because they are riding on the popularity of the party presidential candidate and the strength of the party,” says Ofwono.

According to Ofwono, the party is under pressure from those nominated on the party ticket to sort out the question of the Independents. “But we won’t employ the hammer now, but perhaps after the grace period we can decide to go all out in on decampaigning them,” says Ofwono.

A committee headed by party vice chairman Haji Moses Kigongo is arbitrating and hoping to reconcile the Independents and the party before campaigns begin on December 16.

The FDC is, however, taking a step further and wooing the independent candidates to its side. So far, they have succeed in Lango region, where seasonal candidates; Cecelia Ogwal, B’leo Ojok, Ben Wacha and Angiro Gutomoi have agreed to work with them.

NRM says that they will only reach a working agreement with incumbents who have a leaning towards the NRM and those who recently crossed from other parties such as Okwir Rwabwoni, Agnes Akiror and Alex Onzima.

The UPC on the other hand is playing the proverbial ostrich by burying its head in the sand. “We define an independent as one who went through the party primaries but then decides to go as independent. For now, we don’t have any,” says UPC secretary general Joseph Bossa.

As December 16 draws closer, parties have made clear their strongholds and battlegrounds.

While the NRM is confident it will win some opposition-controlled constituencies, analysts predicted opposition parties will succeed in holding onto constituencies it’s already commanding.

They point to parts of Lango, Acholi, Teso, Busoga, Buganda, as regions where the opposition have got political capital and could gain considerably. The areas of Masaka, Kasese and Kampala are predicted to go to the opposition.

According to analysts, the opposition will retain Agago County, where the incumbent is leader of opposition in Parliament, Terego County where opposition chief whip Kassiano Wadri is incumbent. In Budadiri West, the incumbent, Nandala Mafabi, will most likely retain his seat.

Also the seats of Aruu, Aswa, Kasilo, Kumi, Erute North and South, Busongora County, Tororo County, Bukedea, Ngora and Bukoto County are considered safe for the opposition. The seats for Woman MP of Soroti, Dokolo, Kitgum, Arua, Kaberamaido and Kasese are also seen as safe.

Ten of the biggest for the NRM might come from Kampala Central, Makindye East, Soroti Municipality, Alebtong County, Otuke County, Amolatar Woman MP Seat, Kyadondo County East and Rubaga North constituencies.

Political analysts at Makerere University say the places where NRM has an opportunity to make inroads into opposition territory will depend on the individual candidate’s acceptance by the voters.

At present, opposition parties are aiming at breaking the NRM’s stranglehold by securing votes from youth, woman, as well as urban elite in the 238 directly elected constituencies countrywide.

The battle for control of Parliament will focus on a handful of toss-up races; that of Budadiri West between the incumbent Nathan Nandala Mafabi, and minister for presidency Beatrice Wabudea. Also to watch is the contest between incumbent MP for Oyam South Ishaa Otto and Betty Amongi. The Lwemiyaga MP race between incumbent Theodore Ssekikubo and his long time rival Patrick Nkalubo. The battle for West Budama County between incumbent Emmanuel Otaala and his arch-rival Jacob Oboth Oboth.

In Kabale, the fight for Woman MP seat will be on between state minister Hope Mwesigye and Ronah Rita. The Rukiga County seat has always been a battleground and the same players, the incumbent Adison Kakuru and FDC’s Jack Sabiti will tussel it out again.

While UPC points out that it has got high chances of winning 100 seats, the DP points to its strongholds as the constituencies of Kyadondo North and South constituencies, Busiro South, North and East, Masaka Municipality, Kalungu, Bukoto East and South, Nakawa Division, Kawempe North and South, Mukono Municipality, Arua Municipality Mukono South, Buikwe South and Butambala.

The DP sees its battlegrounds as being Mawokota, Kalungu West, Rubaga South and North constituencies and several in Isingiro.

However, the three counties of Buikwe South, North and West will be the battleground for opposition parties as they all claim it as their stronghold. Currently DP candidate Lulume Bayiga is MP Buikwe South. The NRM controls North and an Independent Norman Muwulize is MP Buikwe West.

The NRM hopes to battle in Mbarara Municipality, where FDC John Kazoora is seen as the stronger candidate, Bugabula South, where NRM incumbent Simon Menhya, an Independent with leaning towards the NRM will tussel it out with FDC vice-Chairperson Salaamu Musumba. NRM also see Bugweri County, where FDC candidate Abdu Katuntu is running as a challenge.

In Buganda, Ofwono says the party will retain all its seats except some in Wakiso District. In Kampala, he says, the vulnerable area is Kawempe.

The seats of Bukoto Central, Kalungu East, Bufumbira East, Dokolo, Vurra and Mwenge counties are predicted to go to the opposition.

In Kasese District, a number of seats held by the NRM are vulnerable as the FDC has made inroads in the last five years, taking advantage of the fight for the restoration of the Obusinga bwa Rwenzururu (Rwenzururu Kingdom).

The NRM is claiming that they are currently in the lead as expected but what they did not expect was that they would have a large number of Independents.

With several contentious parliamentary races to decide, NRM is praying for an outright victory rather than a situation where it may have to depend on the Independent support to pass critical legislation in the house.

Does north still love Besigye?

BEATRICE Alanyo, 31, is a mother of two and a widow. She lost her husband Patrick Olara to a disease she only describes as strange.

Alanyo recently returned to Opit village after spending much of her life in a camp for internally displaced people. She has gardens of food and her children go to Modem Primary School, also in Opit, Gulu District. they are pupils under the Universal Primary Education scheme.

Alango is happy there is peace but dissatisfied with the rehabilitation and reconstruction efforts by the Government in the region.

Sunday Vision found her at Kizza Besigye’s rally at Opit trading centre.

“I voted for Besigye in 2006 and will vote for him again,” she says.

“I want change and Besigye will deliver on his promises to us,” Alango said.

Alango was forced out of her home aged only 11 years, as were hundreds of other children in northern Uganda. She grew up in the camps.

Her views on the elections are shared by older residents like Alphonsio Odur, 68, and Constantino Lokung of Palabek, 64.

“Twenty five years is a long time. We want change and want to see what Besigye can do for us,” said Odur.

Lokung points to a more pertinent issue.

“We are resting, just resting, Joseph Kony is still alive and can come back any time,” he says.

the three agree on voting for Besigye but doubt if he will be president when the votes are counted on February 18.

“We don’t know how the rest will vote. Northern Uganda is always votes Beisgye,” says Odur.

Northern Uganda, including Acholi, has always votes against President Museveni — Besigye 2001, 2006 and Paul Ssemogerere in 1996.

Besigye’s campaign message is focusing on the cause of the 20-year war and the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the region. But above all, he laboured to point out that this time round, he will win the presidency.

While Besigye’s supporters assured him of their votes, they kept asking if their vote would not go to waste like in the 2001 and 2006 elections.

He told the people that the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) is now much more organised and has got structures.

Besigye said in 2001, political parties were not allowed to operate and in 2006, when the political parties were allowed to function, FDC was only a year old and in addition, he spent more time in Luzira Prison.

“My answer to the question of whether it is possible to defeat Museveni is a definite yes and he will be defeated,” Besigye said.

“What remains is for us to guard the ballot box. We shall collect our own results and there is nothing in the law that will stop us. the law allows for that,” he said.

He told supporters that because of re-organisation, FDC defeated NRM in Mbale Municipality, Bugweri and Mukono constituencies.

“these are signs that we have gained the capacity to protect our votes, even in areas where the NRM was rigging,” he said.

Besides, holding three main rallies in Acholi sub-region, he changed tactics this time, holding several small rallies in the villages where supporters, tending to their gardens or selling foodstuffs welcomed him. His message to them was of the looming change, assuring his supporters in Luo: “Alokaloka tye kabinu” (change is coming).

“Be confident, be firm, change is coming,” he would assure them.

At the rallies, Besigye said people in northern Uganda were right all along for voting against the NRM as it never kept its promises to Ugandans.

Results of the past three elections, show Museveni’s popularity dropping by 10% in each election and Besigye noted that come February, Museveni will not garner the needed 51% to be declared winner.

Besigye said what used to be favourable areas for Museveni like Buganda, Busoga and Bunyoro were no longer going to vote for him after the many problems the Government inflicted on the people in the past few years.

He said the factors playing in their favour include the current stand-off between the central government and the Kingdom of Buganda, the closure of Bugisu Co-operative Union (BCU), the land wrangles in Bunyoro and the jiggers killing the people of Busoga.

Leaders and MPs from Buganda led by former Katikkiro Joseph Mulwanyamuli Ssemogerere, told the voters that the people of Buganda were united in their support for Besigye and “we are sorry for not having voted for Besigye in the past”.

Nandala Mafabi, who led the group from Bugisu, cited the current developments in the management of BCU as reason enough to vote out Museveni.

Besigye told the people that for 25 years, the people of Busoga supported Museveni and yet there is no much development in the area and the “Basoga are dying of jiggers”.

At each of his rallies, he ran through the pertinent issues that the IPC hope to implement once in power. Top on the list is the reconstruction of northern Uganda and the sectors of education and health where he promises to double teachers’ pay in next year’s budget and make available free healthcare services to all.

He said Museveni and his Government should not claim credit for the prevailing peace in the region, as they opposed the peace talks in Juba.

Besigye said there was need for Museveni to take responsibility and apologise to the people for the atrocities committed against them during the two-decade conflict while he was President.

Besigye described NRM leaders in the north as “brokers”, who knew nothing about the yellow bus they were calling people to. He regretted having worked as Museveni’s doctor during the five-year bush war that brought him to power.

“I have more responsibility than all the other Ugandans because I am responsible for bringing Museveni to power. If I had not treated Museveni during the war, maybe these problems would not have been there,” Besigye said.

Besigye was a personal doctor to President Museveni during the National Resistance Army bush war, from 1980-1985.

Besigye said his government would correct the wrongs the NRM Government had committed against Ugandans.

Gulu's love for Besigye

FORUM for Democratic Change (FDC) presidential candidate Kizza Besigye’s convoy paralysed Gulu town on Friday as he held his final rally in Acholi sub-region.

Thousands matched the streets of Gulu chanting ‘Besigye, our president’ as women swept the streets and men cleared the way for him.

Repeated recital of his party’s slogan ‘One Uganda, One People’ echoed through the town, forcing those who had chosen to stay in their shops and houses to line the streets as Besigye’s convoy snaked through Gulu’s main street.

Besigye arrived at Boma grounds at about 4:00pm to an exciting welcome and chants from his supporters.

The rally was also punctuated with blessings from Acholi elders, gifts from his supporters and some people crossing from the NRM party and declaring their support for Besigye.

At the rally, Besigye said people in northern Uganda were right all along for voting against the NRM as it had never kept its promises to Ugandans.

Besigye assured the people that this time round the Inter-Party Cooperation would win the elections as it was much more organised and had grassroots structure.

He called on his supporters to guard the votes at their polling stations until the final tally was made.

“What remains is for us to guard the ballot box. We shall collect our own results and there is nothing in the law that will stop us. The law allows that,” Besigye said.

He told supporters that because of re-organisation, FDC defeated NRM in Mbale municipality, Bugweri and Mukono.

“These are signs that we have gained the capacity to protect our votes, even in areas where the NRM was rigging,” Besigye said.

He said Museveni and his Government should not claim credit for the prevailing peace in the region, as they opposed the peace talks in Juba.

Besigye said there was need for Museveni to take responsibility and apologise to the people for the atrocities committed against them during the two decade conflict while he was President.